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Taxes and Public Sector Pay: A Suggestion about the MPs Gratuity Award


Post date: Tue, Oct 9, 2012
Category: General
By: IEA Kenya,



In the last few days, the various channels for news have been reporting public outrage and protest at the fact that the legislature awarded its members an exit allowance and gratuity payments. There are two main arguments stated so far. The first, and less potent in terms of legal effect is that the awards which will come to an average of Kshs. 9 million per legislator is excessive. This argument is valid only in its moral sense because it appeals to the ability of individual members of parliament to accept that pay at that level represents avarice and disregard of public opinion. Unfortunately, this moral claim does not have any force of law.

The second and most effective argument is that the legislature passed this law in stealth and against the specific constitutional requirement that forbids any body to adjust its own pay. Specifically, article 230 (4) a, of the constitution spells out that the salaries and Remuneration Commission is the body authorized to “set and regularly review remuneration and benefits of all state officers”. For the legislature to award to its members the complicated exit package without reference to the Salaries and Remuneration Commission is patently unconstitutional. This is a far firmer ground on which to base opposition to the blatant action.
Knowing that there is a defensible reason for opposition to the actions by parliament, what options exist? To my mind, the constitution itself provides the opportunity to for such errors to be internally corrected before any action is taken in court. As many have stated, it is possible that the president may refuse to assent to the bill and thereby call out MPs for this flagrant disregard of the constitution. That though, is going too far because there are significant checks provided by the constitution that should be explored first.
The Controller of Budget is an independent officer of the state established by article 228 of the constitution. Reading further under 228(5) of the constitution, the controller of budget is specifically required not to approve any withdrawal from a public fund unless satisfied that the withdrawal is authorized by law. In my view therefore, there is sufficient bulwarks against any errors that the legislature may commit. It’s up to these independent offices to take to the plate. To talk straight about it, the Controller of Budget should refuse to authorize that withdrawal when it falls due. That is what the rule of law is. The constitution lives!

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Kenya’s National Budget: A Matatu Ride Reflecting Fiscal Volatility and Structural Inefficiencies

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NTSA Should Not Regulate Public Service Vehicle Fares

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What Would It Mean for a Hypothetical Listing of Space X On Nairobi Stock Exchange?

Absurd hypotheticals are useful precisely because they stress-test a system until its constraints become visible. This note asks what would break first if SpaceX, now a public company following its record-breaking Nasdaq debut in June 2026, with a post-IPO market value of approximately US$ 2.5 trillion, sought a secondary cross-listing on the Nairobi Securities Exchange. […]


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Kenya’s proposed post-2030 Vision commits the country to high-income status “within a generation.” One positive issue that should be emulated is that the document seeks to solve the most important policy decision and the foundational problem in economics, which is to expand output and labour. Skeptics ask the most important question, why would this plan […]


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Taxes and Public Sector Pay: A Suggestion about the MPs Gratuity Award

Post date: Tue, Oct 9, 2012
Category: General
By: IEA Kenya,



In the last few days, the various channels for news have been reporting public outrage and protest at the fact that the legislature awarded its members an exit allowance and gratuity payments. There are two main arguments stated so far. The first, and less potent in terms of legal effect is that the awards which will come to an average of Kshs. 9 million per legislator is excessive. This argument is valid only in its moral sense because it appeals to the ability of individual members of parliament to accept that pay at that level represents avarice and disregard of public opinion. Unfortunately, this moral claim does not have any force of law.

The second and most effective argument is that the legislature passed this law in stealth and against the specific constitutional requirement that forbids any body to adjust its own pay. Specifically, article 230 (4) a, of the constitution spells out that the salaries and Remuneration Commission is the body authorized to “set and regularly review remuneration and benefits of all state officers”. For the legislature to award to its members the complicated exit package without reference to the Salaries and Remuneration Commission is patently unconstitutional. This is a far firmer ground on which to base opposition to the blatant action.
Knowing that there is a defensible reason for opposition to the actions by parliament, what options exist? To my mind, the constitution itself provides the opportunity to for such errors to be internally corrected before any action is taken in court. As many have stated, it is possible that the president may refuse to assent to the bill and thereby call out MPs for this flagrant disregard of the constitution. That though, is going too far because there are significant checks provided by the constitution that should be explored first.
The Controller of Budget is an independent officer of the state established by article 228 of the constitution. Reading further under 228(5) of the constitution, the controller of budget is specifically required not to approve any withdrawal from a public fund unless satisfied that the withdrawal is authorized by law. In my view therefore, there is sufficient bulwarks against any errors that the legislature may commit. It’s up to these independent offices to take to the plate. To talk straight about it, the Controller of Budget should refuse to authorize that withdrawal when it falls due. That is what the rule of law is. The constitution lives!



More Blogs


Kenya’s National Budget: A Matatu Ride Reflecting Fiscal Volatility and Structural Inefficiencies

Introduction The matatu metaphor can be used to analytically frame Kenya’s budget as a system that is subject to binding constraints, evolving expectations, and continuous adjustment to shocks. Like the matatu sector, fiscal policy reflects a balancing act between efficiency and quick action seeking to respond to public service delivery while constrained by competing sector […]


NTSA Should Not Regulate Public Service Vehicle Fares

Introduction Imagine paying the same fare to travel at 6 a.m. as you would at 6 p.m., even though the matatu is half-empty in the morning and packed in the evening. At 6 a.m., there may be more seats available than passengers willing to pay for them. By 6 p.m., the situation is reversed. Hundreds […]


What Would It Mean for a Hypothetical Listing of Space X On Nairobi Stock Exchange?

Absurd hypotheticals are useful precisely because they stress-test a system until its constraints become visible. This note asks what would break first if SpaceX, now a public company following its record-breaking Nasdaq debut in June 2026, with a post-IPO market value of approximately US$ 2.5 trillion, sought a secondary cross-listing on the Nairobi Securities Exchange. […]


The Arithmetic of Ambition: What Kenya’s First-World Dream Really Requires?

Kenya’s proposed post-2030 Vision commits the country to high-income status “within a generation.” One positive issue that should be emulated is that the document seeks to solve the most important policy decision and the foundational problem in economics, which is to expand output and labour. Skeptics ask the most important question, why would this plan […]


Kenya’s Debt: Borrow Today, Pay Tomorrow

According to the Annual Debt Report 2024/25, as shown in Chart 1 below, Kenya today is such that for every one hundred shillings the Kenyan government raises in tax revenue, approximately ksh71 goes directly into servicing existing debt before a single hospital is staffed, a classroom is built, or a kilometre of road is constructed. […]








About IEA Kenya

The Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA Kenya) is a think-tank that provides a platform for informed discussions in order to influence public policy in Kenya. We seek to promote pluralism of ideas through open, active and informed debate on public policy issues. We undertake research and conduct public education on key economic and topical issues in public affairs in Kenya and the region, and utilize the outcomes of the research for policy dialogue and to influence policy making.

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