The National Treasury and Economic Planning sent a notice to the Central Bank of Kenya on June 30, 2025, regarding the Price Stability Target and the government’s economic policy as part of the government’s objectives. That notice is problematic because it violates the Constitution and reinforces fiscal dominance, which means that fiscal policy objectives come first over monetary policy objectives. The authority relied on is legislation passed before 2010, and the National Treasury continues to rely on it.
In this analysis, I frame the four broad issues.
The National Treasury’s notice to the Central Bank of Kenya on June 30, 2025, reveals a deeper constitutional and governance fault line that Kenya still needs to address. It is the lingering legacy of pre-2010 legal frameworks that clash with the principles of institutional independence outlined in the 2010 Constitution. By referencing outdated provisions of the Central Bank Act to direct or influence monetary policy, the National Treasury violates Article 231, which guarantees CBK’s autonomy, and reintroduces a pattern of fiscal dominance that weakens sound economic governance.
This incident exposes a broader constitutional issue: failing to align older statutory laws and bureaucratic practices with the governance structure established in 2010. Without prompt legal and institutional reforms, such conflicts will endure, weakening Kenya’s commitment to rule-based macroeconomic management and damaging the credibility of key public institutions.
Notably, this form of institutional arrangement has been ongoing for the last three decades, and the recent notice was just routine. The recent directive should concern every person who watches Kenya’s macroeconomic policy.
Citizens should be concerned for the following reasons.
The National Treasury’s notice violates the constitutional framework established under Article 231 of the Constitution of Kenya, 2010. This article explicitly guarantees the independence of the Central Bank. It prohibits any person or authority, including the National Treasury, from exercising control over the CBK or interfering with its functions. By issuing directives that attempt to steer monetary policy outcomes, the National Treasury oversteps its constitutional mandate and encroaches on the autonomy of the CBK. Such actions undermine the institutional arrangements carefully designed to preserve checks and balances between key economic authorities.
The notice exemplifies fiscal dominance, in which fiscal authorities influence or dictate monetary policy decisions. Fiscal dominance is detrimental because it erodes central bank credibility, weakens monetary policy effectiveness, and fosters macroeconomic instability. When the CBK is pressured to align its policies with short-term fiscal goals, such as financing deficits or accommodating politically motivated spending, it risks compromising its core mandate: ensuring price and financial stability. This scenario leads to inflationary pressures, reduced investor confidence, and a distorted credit market, ultimately harming the broader economy.
The National Treasury’s notice appears to lean on provisions under Section 4(4), (5), and (6) of the Central Bank of Kenya Act, clauses enacted before the 2010 Constitution came into force. However, that antecedence does not matter because any legal framework that conflicts with the constitutional order is subordinate to the Constitution. The 2010 Constitution supersedes pre-existing statutes and insulates the CBK from external directives. Continued reliance on outdated legal provisions reflects a legal misreading and undermines the rule of law that governs Kenya’s post-2010 governance architecture.
The Central Bank of Kenya and the National Treasury have fundamentally different mandates, and their goals can and may clash. Fiscal policy, managed by the National Treasury, concentrates on government spending, taxation, and income redistribution, often driven by political or short-term economic objectives. In contrast, monetary policy, carried out by the CBK, aims to maintain price stability, control the money supply, and ensure financial system stability. These objectives demand long-term, non-political planning. In practice, the divergence between fiscal and monetary policy objectives becomes particularly evident in various scenarios:
Such conflicts are not merely theoretical; they undermine policy coherence and reduce the effectiveness of both fiscal and monetary interventions. When monetary policy is subordinated to fiscal priorities, poor inflation control, investor skepticism, and a loss of credibility in macroeconomic governance often result.
Conclusion
The National Treasury’s attempt to influence the Central Bank’s price stability objectives is unconstitutional and economically unsound. It violates Article 231 of the Constitution, disregards Kenya’s carefully structured institutional arrangements, and promotes fiscal dominance, a path fraught with macroeconomic risks. Respecting the CBK’s independence is not just a legal necessity; it is vital for ensuring that Kenya maintains stable prices, credible institutions, and resilient economic management. Each institution must operate within its constitutional and legal confines for effective governance, pursuing its distinct mandate while coordinating through principled, transparent, and non-coercive engagement.
Photo credit: Credit: Frank H. – stock.adobe.com
Introduction The matatu metaphor can be used to analytically frame Kenya’s budget as a system that is subject to binding constraints, evolving expectations, and continuous adjustment to shocks. Like the matatu sector, fiscal policy reflects a balancing act between efficiency and quick action seeking to respond to public service delivery while constrained by competing sector […]
Introduction Imagine paying the same fare to travel at 6 a.m. as you would at 6 p.m., even though the matatu is half-empty in the morning and packed in the evening. At 6 a.m., there may be more seats available than passengers willing to pay for them. By 6 p.m., the situation is reversed. Hundreds […]
Absurd hypotheticals are useful precisely because they stress-test a system until its constraints become visible. This note asks what would break first if SpaceX, now a public company following its record-breaking Nasdaq debut in June 2026, with a post-IPO market value of approximately US$ 2.5 trillion, sought a secondary cross-listing on the Nairobi Securities Exchange. […]
Kenya’s proposed post-2030 Vision commits the country to high-income status “within a generation.” One positive issue that should be emulated is that the document seeks to solve the most important policy decision and the foundational problem in economics, which is to expand output and labour. Skeptics ask the most important question, why would this plan […]
According to the Annual Debt Report 2024/25, as shown in Chart 1 below, Kenya today is such that for every one hundred shillings the Kenyan government raises in tax revenue, approximately ksh71 goes directly into servicing existing debt before a single hospital is staffed, a classroom is built, or a kilometre of road is constructed. […]
| Post date: Thu, Jul 10, 2025 |
| Category: Economic Policy |
| By: Leo Kipkogei Kemboi, |
The National Treasury and Economic Planning sent a notice to the Central Bank of Kenya on June 30, 2025, regarding the Price Stability Target and the government’s economic policy as part of the government’s objectives. That notice is problematic because it violates the Constitution and reinforces fiscal dominance, which means that fiscal policy objectives come first over monetary policy objectives. The authority relied on is legislation passed before 2010, and the National Treasury continues to rely on it.
In this analysis, I frame the four broad issues.
The National Treasury’s notice to the Central Bank of Kenya on June 30, 2025, reveals a deeper constitutional and governance fault line that Kenya still needs to address. It is the lingering legacy of pre-2010 legal frameworks that clash with the principles of institutional independence outlined in the 2010 Constitution. By referencing outdated provisions of the Central Bank Act to direct or influence monetary policy, the National Treasury violates Article 231, which guarantees CBK’s autonomy, and reintroduces a pattern of fiscal dominance that weakens sound economic governance.
This incident exposes a broader constitutional issue: failing to align older statutory laws and bureaucratic practices with the governance structure established in 2010. Without prompt legal and institutional reforms, such conflicts will endure, weakening Kenya’s commitment to rule-based macroeconomic management and damaging the credibility of key public institutions.
Notably, this form of institutional arrangement has been ongoing for the last three decades, and the recent notice was just routine. The recent directive should concern every person who watches Kenya’s macroeconomic policy.
Citizens should be concerned for the following reasons.
The National Treasury’s notice violates the constitutional framework established under Article 231 of the Constitution of Kenya, 2010. This article explicitly guarantees the independence of the Central Bank. It prohibits any person or authority, including the National Treasury, from exercising control over the CBK or interfering with its functions. By issuing directives that attempt to steer monetary policy outcomes, the National Treasury oversteps its constitutional mandate and encroaches on the autonomy of the CBK. Such actions undermine the institutional arrangements carefully designed to preserve checks and balances between key economic authorities.
The notice exemplifies fiscal dominance, in which fiscal authorities influence or dictate monetary policy decisions. Fiscal dominance is detrimental because it erodes central bank credibility, weakens monetary policy effectiveness, and fosters macroeconomic instability. When the CBK is pressured to align its policies with short-term fiscal goals, such as financing deficits or accommodating politically motivated spending, it risks compromising its core mandate: ensuring price and financial stability. This scenario leads to inflationary pressures, reduced investor confidence, and a distorted credit market, ultimately harming the broader economy.
The National Treasury’s notice appears to lean on provisions under Section 4(4), (5), and (6) of the Central Bank of Kenya Act, clauses enacted before the 2010 Constitution came into force. However, that antecedence does not matter because any legal framework that conflicts with the constitutional order is subordinate to the Constitution. The 2010 Constitution supersedes pre-existing statutes and insulates the CBK from external directives. Continued reliance on outdated legal provisions reflects a legal misreading and undermines the rule of law that governs Kenya’s post-2010 governance architecture.
The Central Bank of Kenya and the National Treasury have fundamentally different mandates, and their goals can and may clash. Fiscal policy, managed by the National Treasury, concentrates on government spending, taxation, and income redistribution, often driven by political or short-term economic objectives. In contrast, monetary policy, carried out by the CBK, aims to maintain price stability, control the money supply, and ensure financial system stability. These objectives demand long-term, non-political planning. In practice, the divergence between fiscal and monetary policy objectives becomes particularly evident in various scenarios:
Such conflicts are not merely theoretical; they undermine policy coherence and reduce the effectiveness of both fiscal and monetary interventions. When monetary policy is subordinated to fiscal priorities, poor inflation control, investor skepticism, and a loss of credibility in macroeconomic governance often result.
Conclusion
The National Treasury’s attempt to influence the Central Bank’s price stability objectives is unconstitutional and economically unsound. It violates Article 231 of the Constitution, disregards Kenya’s carefully structured institutional arrangements, and promotes fiscal dominance, a path fraught with macroeconomic risks. Respecting the CBK’s independence is not just a legal necessity; it is vital for ensuring that Kenya maintains stable prices, credible institutions, and resilient economic management. Each institution must operate within its constitutional and legal confines for effective governance, pursuing its distinct mandate while coordinating through principled, transparent, and non-coercive engagement.
Photo credit: Credit: Frank H. – stock.adobe.com

Introduction The matatu metaphor can be used to analytically frame Kenya’s budget as a system that is subject to binding constraints, evolving expectations, and continuous adjustment to shocks. Like the matatu sector, fiscal policy reflects a balancing act between efficiency and quick action seeking to respond to public service delivery while constrained by competing sector […]
Introduction Imagine paying the same fare to travel at 6 a.m. as you would at 6 p.m., even though the matatu is half-empty in the morning and packed in the evening. At 6 a.m., there may be more seats available than passengers willing to pay for them. By 6 p.m., the situation is reversed. Hundreds […]
Absurd hypotheticals are useful precisely because they stress-test a system until its constraints become visible. This note asks what would break first if SpaceX, now a public company following its record-breaking Nasdaq debut in June 2026, with a post-IPO market value of approximately US$ 2.5 trillion, sought a secondary cross-listing on the Nairobi Securities Exchange. […]
Kenya’s proposed post-2030 Vision commits the country to high-income status “within a generation.” One positive issue that should be emulated is that the document seeks to solve the most important policy decision and the foundational problem in economics, which is to expand output and labour. Skeptics ask the most important question, why would this plan […]
According to the Annual Debt Report 2024/25, as shown in Chart 1 below, Kenya today is such that for every one hundred shillings the Kenyan government raises in tax revenue, approximately ksh71 goes directly into servicing existing debt before a single hospital is staffed, a classroom is built, or a kilometre of road is constructed. […]